My next book, Assignment Moscow: Reporting On Russia From Lenin to Putin will be published in the U.K. and the U.S. in July.
It tells the story of Russia, and of its relations with the west, through the words of the correspondents who reported on Russia and the Soviet Union through war, revolution, and resurgence on the international stage. It also includes personal reflections of covering a country I first travelled to as a journalist in 1991.
You can find more details on the publisher’s website, here .
There will be a number of events this summer and autumn where I will be discussing the book. I will share details of them here nearer the time.
This is the second and final part of my article, ‘Russia is All Right’, recently published in the journal ‘Media History’. It looks at the way that British newspapers covered the Russian revolution of February 1917. You can read the first part here. The photos are from my recent trip to Russia, part of my research for my forthcoming book, ‘Assignment Moscow’
optimism of the editorial columns
cutting of communication had led the newspapers in London to expect big news.
The Telegraph, in fact, reported on
March 16th, ‘For several days
no news with regard to the political situation in Russia which, however, was
known in well-informed quarters to be critical, had been received in London.’[i] ‘Since Monday no word had come from Russia,
and silence had fallen upon what was manifestly a serious situation,’[ii]
wrote the Manchester Guardian once
news finally made it to out. The Daily
Herald decided that, ‘the information that is allowed to reach the outer
world is often studiously vague.’[iii]
Once the facts were confirmed, the revolution was widely welcomed: the leader
columns echoing David Monger’s conclusion that, ‘Before the Bolsheviks’
emergence, propagandists interpreted the Tsar’s overthrow as positive for both
Russia and the alliance.’[iv] This was not confined to the fervently
pro-war editorials in titles owned by Lord Northcliffe, although they led the
charge. ‘The cause of freedom and of the Allies has triumphed,’ the Daily Mail’s editorial of March 16th,
1917 boldly announced. ‘The one power which will gain nothing from this great
stroke will be Germany’[v],
ran the final sentence. This belief was echoed in the edition of The Times which appeared on the same
day, even if The Times was more
reflective. ‘It is still too soon for entire confidence in the issue,’[vi]
its editorial said – adding a measured note of caution to its categorical
opening statement ‘A great Revolution has been accomplished in Russia’ – before
continuing, ‘but the general trend of events and the attitude of the Army and
of the more important elements of the population justify the Allies of Russia
in optimism.’ Grounds for optimism were sought everywhere. The Times also carried a news story – headlined ‘Revolution in Russia’
– which included reports of military activity on the Somme, and in the Balkans.
It appears to have been part of a daily series. The words ‘The War: 3rd
Year: 225th Day’ appear between the headline and the story – a
reminder of the true preoccupations of readers then, even if much of what was
served up to them was characterized as part of one of the most shameful
episodes of journalistic history.[vii]
Beyond the newspapers’ welcoming change in Russia, optimism was scarce, perhaps
one reason why the Times editorial
also offered hope in the form of ‘the manifest eagerness of all parties that
Russia should continue to wage the war with even greater vigour than she has
In another delayed despatch from the streets of Russia’s revolutionary capital,
the Mirror told its readers on March
20th, ‘‘The workmen express the determination to employ themselves
on overtime in order to make up for all the work that has been lost, and are
loud in declaring their intention of carrying on the war to victory.’[ix]
The Express announced confidently,
‘The Russian revolution has been accomplished, and the forces of reaction have
The Observer of Sunday 18th
March reported the revolution with a series of stacked headlines, which
included, ‘A marvellous rising’.[xi]
is understandable that, with the First World War now well into its third year,
and conscription having been introduced in 1916[xii],
the effect which the revolution would have on Russia’s contribution to the
allied war effort against Germany was the leading concern. It continued to be
so for as long as the war lasted. Then, as now, the Sunday newspapers faced the
challenge of trying to find new angles to the big stories of the week. The Sunday Times of March 18th
was fortunate enough to have the text of ‘The Tsar’s Manifesto’[xiii]
published in Petrograd too late on Friday to make the Saturday papers in
London. The headlines of an analytical piece on the preceding page promised, ‘Fidelity
to the allies’; the text ‘an energetic prosecution of the war by the new
The Financial Times of the following
day was even more forthright: ‘There is now but one desire among the people—to
fight on until Prussian militarism has been destroyed.’[xv]
The Daily Mirror – which had
published the ‘Russia is all right’ despatch – told its readers on March 20th,
‘The workmen express the determination to employ themselves on overtime in
order to make up for all the work that has been lost, and are loud in declaring
their intention of carrying on the war to victory.’[xvi]
This was wishful thinking of the first water. The workers of Petrograd were
among the reddest of the red: just the kind of constituency which would have
been receptive to the argument that the war was being waged in the interests of
aristocrats and capitalists, and at the expense of the workers. The Mirror, which had been founded in 1903
by Northcliffe, had, unsurprisingly, not lost its patriotic outlook since its
sale in 1913 to his brother, soon to become Lord Rothermere. The Daily Express also published the Reuters
‘Russia is all right’ despatch – perhaps showing, among other things, that the
Reuters correspondent understood very well that fulfilling his ‘first duty’
would have the added benefit of getting his despatch used more widely. The Manchester Guardian was another
newspaper in which it appeared. The Manchester
Guardian went even further than the optimism of the Reuters wire, in an
editorial which brightly declared, ‘England hails the new Russia with a higher
hope and surer confidence in the future not only of this war, but of the
It is worth recalling here the admonishment which Stanley Washburn remembered receiving from Lord Northcliffe about the importance of ‘the Cause’. While press barons’ and their readers’ shared desire for an allied victory may have led to some wishful thinking, the press barons’ ties to political elites – such as Northcliffe’s role as ‘director of propaganda’ – were another factor. As Alice Marquis wrote, the British system of censorship during WWI ‘consisted of a close control of news at the source by military authorities, combined with a tight-knit group of ‘press lords’ who (over lunch or dinner with Lloyd George) decided what was “good for the country to know’”[xviii]. While it may be, as Curran has argued, that, ‘The press barons are usually accused of using their papers as instruments of political power’[xix], this was one era when they were largely happy to place that power, real or imagined, at the service of the state.
Telegraph links restored, the newspapers enthusiastically
caught up with the news. The Times
printed almost 6,000 words from its correspondent. In accordance with the
convention of the time, he was not named. The correspondent can be identified
as Robert Wilton, both from his own memoir, Russia’s
Agony, and from the less than complimentary opinions of his coverage from
Philips Price, and, later, by The Times
itself. Its own history, published in the 1950s, concluded that, ‘Wilton’s
service, often important, was erratic,’[xx]
and that the newspaper felt that ‘their writer did not command full confidence’[xxi].
Such a verdict presumably delighted Morgan Philips Price – who, given that he
died only in 1973 – would have lived long enough to read it.
For all that Wilton has not been remembered favourably
– Russia’s Agony, his rather flawed
account of the revolutionary year of 1917, rushed out the following year, may
have something to do with that (the book was dedicated to the Cossacks, who,
Wilton maintained, would soon drive the Reds from Russia) – and the reputation
he had ‘in Zionist circles, and even into the Foreign Office’[xxii]
of being an anti-Semite, his coverage of the February revolution was lively and
informative. Especially given his relatively advanced years for a war
correspondent – Wilton was born in 1868, and so was approaching fifty when the
revolution started – Wilton did a first-rate job of getting to the action, and
getting the story. He was rewarded with as much space as The Times could find for everything he had sent. Wilton’s story
appeared under stacked headlines: ‘Abdication of the Tsar’; ‘First News from
Petrograd’; ‘Revolution Complete’[xxiii]
(one the sub-editors might later have wished for the chance to rewrite), even
though, despite the middle of those three, the paper had to admit, ‘we are
still without news of the first outbreak’[xxiv].
Even though they finally had news from Russia, they did not appear to have all
that their correspondent had sent, or to have it in the right order. Wilton’s
prose gave his story pace, even if the passive voice in lines such as ‘Warnings
not to assemble were disregarded. No Cossacks were visible’[xxv]
seems, to modern readers at least, to soften the sense of urgency. Walking the
streets of Russia’s revolutionary capital, Wilton suddenly found himself in the
middle of the fighting
…as the armoured cars,
which all appear to be in the hands of the revolutionaries, have been dashing
through the streets around The Times office, fusillading the Government machine
guns, all attempts to get from one place to another were attended with the
Wilton went on to tell his readers that, returning
from calling on the British ambassador, he ‘was walking through the Summer
Gardens when the bullets began to whiz over my head.’[xxvii]
For all this excitement, The Times
was very keen to situate Wilton’s coverage in the wider context as it was seen
from London. Under the headlines, but before the reader reached Wilton’s
‘History of the Movement’, there was a paragraph explaining that Andrew Bonar
Law, who was then in the war cabinet, had told the House of Commons that the
revolution ‘was not an effort to secure peace, but an expression of discontent
with the Russian government for not carrying on the war with efficiency and
Covering revolutions is one of the biggest challenges
for journalists. Philips Price even found himself in the wrong place – he was
reporting from the Caucasus at the time – but showed enough initiative to get
to Moscow, and thence to Petrograd. On the way, he caused the resignation of
the foreign minister, Pavel Milyukov, by reporting unguarded remarks the
minister had made about Russia’s war aims[xxix].
Those who were in Petrograd faced not only the difficulties of coming by
reliable information, but also great danger. Wilton was not alone in having
bullets pass close by. Alfred Fletcher of Central News, whose report was
published in both the Financial Times
and the Daily Telegraph on March 16th,
wrote of streets, ‘full of the whizzing of bullets from rifles and machine-guns’.
Apparently unable to contain his own excitement, and just in case his reader
had not got the message, he explained, ‘In short, we are faced with revolution
in the truest sense of the word.’[xxx]
Not wanting his professional activity to draw unwanted attention, Donald
Thompson became a pioneer of secret filming. He cut a hole in his camera bag
to, ‘get pictures with this gyroscopic camera of mine without anyone knowing
what I am doing.’[xxxi]
This was prudent. The revolutionary streets of Petrograd could suddenly become
the scene of deadly acts of violence. An Associated Press despatch, published
in the Manchester Guardian and the Daily Mirror on Saturday March 17th
described, ‘Regiments called out to disperse street crowds clamouring for bread
refused to fire upon the people, mutinied, and (slaying their officers in many
cases) joined the swelling ranks of the insurgents.’[xxxii]
Given the strong political views of their owners, and
the dangerously unpredictable circumstances in which they were working, the
correspondents deserve credit for the picture which they were able to paint of
Petrograd at the end of autocracy.
His despatches delayed as those of Robert Wilton and
others had been, the Daily Mail’s
correspondent finally got his work into print once the telegraph links had been
reopened. As with Wilton, the Mail’s correspondent
is not named. He may however be assumed, on the basis of bylines which appeared
the previous month, to be Henry Hamilton Fyfe. On Friday March 16th,
the Daily Mail, like The Times, published a series of reports
together. Readers were informed at the beginning that the section datelined
‘Saturday’ (and presumably all that followed) had been ‘transmitted on
Wednesday at 9.55am’. Fyfe did not seem scared by the fact that walking the
streets was, in Wilton’s words, ‘attended by the greatest risk’. Hamilton Fyfe brought
the atmosphere of the streets of revolutionary Russia to the breakfast tables
of Britain. The weeks leading up to the February revolution were a time when
‘Bread had to be queued for, and its availability was unreliable.’[xxxiii]
The queues were so long that the people of Petrograd had sometimes to wait for
hours, even during Russian winter nights. One of Thompson’s first impressions
on arrival was to ‘notice bread lines in front of bakeries, and, in fact, at
every place where food is sold.’[xxxiv]
In one memorable passage, he wrote
Bread shops are besieged
by hungry people. Last night I did not retire until nearly 2:30 and I could
look out from the back of the hotel from my window and see the people lined up
in front of a bakery. In the morning when I got up some of those same people
were still standing there.[xxxv]
In the 1918 edition of his book, the page following is
a photograph of a bread queue, perhaps the one he describes. A thick line of
dark figures in heavy coats and fur hats stand patiently and apparently
motionless on the snow-covered street. There were suspicions that what bread was
available was not being shared fairly. The hungry, their patience exhausted, sometimes
took the law, and bread, into their own hands. Hamilton Fyfe reported one such
incident. ‘A baker’s shop well known for its profiteering had its windows
smashed, and the place looted.’[xxxvi]
Hamilton Fyfe explained that ‘large quantities of bread [were] being kept for
richer and more fortunate customers.’ In a forthright tone of the kind which
might still be found in the Daily Mail
today, Hamilton Fyfe was blunt in his assessment of the incident. ‘Such
conduct,’ he wrote, ‘when people have to stand from 5 till 11 o’clock in a
queue deserves punishment.’ Hamilton Fyfe’s reporter’s eye for detail helped
him to bring to life for his readers the Russian capital as it responded to the
news that the autocracy was no more. It was on the Tuesday – as his paper
waited for news that Hamilton Fyfe, walking around the streets of the Russian
capital, began ‘to meet incongruous sights. Here a soldier, rifle-less but with
an unsheathed officer’s sword in hand, there a civilian carrying, somewhat
gingerly, a rifle with fixed bayonet, and farther on a delighted youth with a
carbine.’ The details which Hamilton Fyfe picked out form a pattern within
their apparent randomness: a pattern of shocking change, which mapped the
reversal of the old order. In the same issue of the Daily Mail, that of March 16th, once the news floodgates
had been opened, Hamilton Fyfe wrote of an encounter between a group of
mutinous soldiers, on foot, and two mounted officers. Faced with guns, the
officers backed off. ‘This slight incident showed what was really happening,’
Hamilton Fyfe wrote. The confrontation seemed to represent in miniature the
failure of tsarist authority. On March 19th, the Daily Mail even hinted at the revolution’s
socialist future reporting ‘Order No. 1’, the Soviet edict which declared that
soldiers should be answerable to the committees which they formed amongst
themselves, and to the Petrograd Soviet, rather than to officers or the
government. In the Mail’s view, Order
‘shook the old army to its foundations’[xxxvii].
Even if the correspondent judged it a ‘treasonable incendiary document’[xxxviii],
they understood it was newsworthy.
The reporting of Wilton, Fletcher, and Hamilton Fyfe and
others provided eyewitness accounts of what was happening in the revolutionary
capital: eyewitness accounts which added indispensable context to the
celebratory editorials which were being gleefully written in London.
everyone then really as optimistic as the leader columns seemed to suggest? In
his autobiography, the bulk of which was written, as Rupert Hart-Davis said in
his prologue, ‘between 1949 and 1961’[xxxix],
Arthur Ransome gave an account of a lunch in London on November 7th
1916 with two government ministers (one of them, Francis Acland, apparently not
put off by David Soskice’s earlier concerns about Ransome) ‘I told them,’
Ransome wrote, ‘that I thought we should be considering the possibility that,
if we could not bring the war to an end in 1917, we should have to manage
without the help of the Russians.’[xl]
It would clearly not be beyond a writer of Ransome’s talent to have put a shine
on this in the intervening decades. In the following chapter, which covered the
coming to power of Lenin and the Soviets, Ransome conceded, ‘Forty years after
the events I find it hard to remember the actual dates of this or that
happening at which I was present.’ He was referring there to the way the
October revolution unfolded, but the point could arguably be more widely
applied. Nevertheless, even if those of his fellow correspondents who were
reporting from Petrograd in February 1917 were able to give detailed accounts
of what was happening, the analysis, the weighing up of the significance of
those events in the London editorial columns, was less impressive.
As John Reed showed in Ten Days that Shook the World, his influential account of the
October revolution, the Bolsheviks understood that the British press was
against them. Reed described a revolutionary laughing defiantly at an editorial
in The Times which had thundered,
‘The remedy for Bolshevism is bullets’[xli].
At the time of the February revolution, the Northcliffe papers did not see
Bolshevism as such a threat. Even after the October revolution they insisted
that Lenin’s government could not last. Headlines such as ‘Leninists paralysed’[xlii];
‘Lenin losing control’[xliii];
were common during November 1917. This did their readers no favours in terms of
informing them, in terms of helping them to understand what the west was
There was, therefore, a contrast
between the perspectives which the correspondents offered, and those which
appeared in the editorial columns. In some ways, the correspondents, drawing on
a more detailed knowledge of the country and its affairs than that possessed by
press barons or political elites, did an admirable job. There were exceptions:
the message that ‘Russia is all right’ filed from Petrograd, and widely
published, being among them. The Daily Telegraph’s correspondent also
wrote, ‘Let it be said at once that so far as the common cause of Great Britain
and Russia is concerned, the revolution gives no ground for anxiety—or, at
least, very little’[xlv]. The
focus on food shortages, demonstrated by people breaking into bakeries
suspected of hoarding, gave an insight into the state of the country. It also,
implicitly if not explicitly, cast doubt on the idea that Russia could continue
the war, even supposing that it wanted to. For if a country’s infrastructure
was so weak that it could not feed its own capital city, how might it feed,
clothe, and arm troops at the front? Even taking into account the ‘unseasonably
winter of 1916-17, and the effect it had on rail transport, the system was not
working efficiently. Even those correspondents, Wilton being the leading
example, who came to loathe the Bolsheviks, and to yearn for their downfall,
had not allowed themselves to be blinded to the nature of the revolution, and
the shortcomings of the Tsarist Russian army. During the war, Wilton’s
reporting even threatened to sour relations between the British and Russian
governments because, as Keith Neilson put it, ‘The British idea of fair
reportage found little sympathy in Russia. Even during the war, Wilton’s
condemnation of ‘unduly optimistic’ reports concerning Russia’s war effort was
viewed by the Russian censors as ‘tantamount to treason”’[xlvii].
Perhaps sensing that their publics did not wish to hear of Russian weakness,
and possible abandonment of the cause, the newspapers’ owners, through their
editorial columns, did not offer it. They, too, preferred to think that Russia
was all right.
This was nothing but wishful thinking of the most fanciful kind – as Lenin’s later, and enduring, revolutionary success with the slogan, ‘Peace-Bread-Land’, would come to show. Both editors and the political elite wanted desperately to believe that revolution in Russia would not be bad for the overall allied war effort. In consequence, those were the terms in which events in St Petersburg were portrayed.
Alston, Charlotte ‘British Journalism and the Campaign
for intervention in the Russian Civil War, 1918-20’ Revolutionary Russia 20:1 (2007), 35-49 doi: 1080/09546540701314343
Chalaby, Jean. “Northcliffe: Proprietor as Journalist.” In Northcliffe’s legacy: aspects of the British popular press, 1896-1996 . Edited by Peter Caterall, Colin Seymour-Ure, Adrian Smith, 27-44. Basingstoke: MacMillan, 2000.
Clark, Christopher. The Sleepwalkers: How Europe went to war in 1914. London: Penguin, 2013.
Curran, James and Jean Seaton. Power Without Responsibility: Press, broadcasting and the internet in
Britain. 7th ed. Abingdon: Routledge. 2010.
Figes, Orlando. A
People’s Tragedy: The Russian Revolution 1891-1924. London: Pimlico, 1997.
Hughes, Michael. Diplomacy
Before the Russian Revolution. Basingstoke: MacMillan, 2000.
Knightley, Phillip. The First Casualty. London: Pan, 1989.
Marquis, Alice ‘Words as Weapons: Propaganda in
Britain and Germany During the First World War’ Journal of Contemporary History 13:3 (1978), 467-98
McEwen, J. M. ‘The Press and the Fall of Asquith’ The Historical Journal 21:4 (1978),
This post is the first part of my article, ‘Russia is all right’ which has just been published in the academic journal ‘Media History’. I will publish the recond part of it next week. This post also incldues some photos from my recent trip to Saint Petersburg.
‘Russia is all right’: British newspaper reporting of the Russian Revolution of February 1917
Like all good journalists grappling with the
complexities of world-changing events, the Reuters correspondent in Petrograd
at the time of the revolution of February 1917 knew what was most important for
The first duty of a
British correspondent in these days of national upheaval is to assure his
compatriots that “Russia is all right” as a friend, ally, and fighter. The very
trials she is undergoing will only steel her heart and arms.[i]
This article will argue that while such expressions of
optimism were widespread in the coverage of the February revolution –
especially in editorial columns written in London – some of the reporting from
correspondents did actually give readers a good sense of the way that events
were unfolding; the difficulties involved in reporting revolutions in general,
and this one in particular, notwithstanding. It will consider the
political influences on news coverage, and the practical difficulties with
which correspondents had to contend. Covering revolutions makes extra demands
on the journalist who is already struggling to explain what is happening. In
time of revolution, of lasting social and political change, the correspondent
is also expected, to a degree at least, to explain to his or her audience what
might happen. If this article argues that on the second count much of the
British newspaper coverage – especially the editorials – of the 1917 February
revolution fell short, then it hopes to make a new contribution to the field by
proposing that on the first – the correspondents’ reports – it did better. It
will conclude by suggesting that the desire to believe that Russia would fight
on was so strong that it eclipsed other interpretations of events, and meant
that readers – including policy makers – were ill prepared for what would
eventually come to pass.
and political contexts to the coverage of February 1917
Policy makers needed to know more than anyone, yet
Russia had to a large extent been a mystery to British political elites for decades.
As Michael Hughes has pointed out, ‘No
British Prime Minister or foreign secretary visited Russia in the 20 years
between 1894 and 1914.’[ii]
That changed with the outbreak of the First World War, when St Petersburg (its
name soon changed to the less-German sounding ‘Petrograd’) was the capital of
an important British ally against the Kaiser. Nevertheless, what Hughes has
also identified as the ‘Whig’ convictions of Embassy staff over Russia’s
may have persisted, not least because their networks of contacts were also
limited. Diplomats ‘before 1914 usually tried to avoid dealings with
correspondents from foreign newspapers working in the city, since some
journalists had contacts with individuals and groups that were anathema to the Russian
When revolution came, the most important question for
political leaders and the press alike was whether Russia would continue to fight the
war. Lloyd George himself having long seen ‘the vital role of Russia in the
war’ as ‘an article of faith’[v],
it is no wonder this preoccupied correspondents and editors to the extent that
it did. Unfortunately for the optimists, the Russian Army soon proved
unreliable in playing the martial role which London wished to assign it to it.
There were clues in the unfolding of the February revolution itself. Wildman
calculated that there were an astonishing 232,000[vi]
men under arms in Petrograd and the suburbs at the time of the revolution, ‘the
overriding unanswered question,’ as he put it, ‘how deeply the general
dissatisfaction in the country had penetrated the units that would have to be
to put down the uprising. In the event, the conclusion was that it had
penetrated enough for the soldiers not to do the bidding of the Tsar and his
Like many journalists faced with the challenges of making sense of a revolution while in the midst of it, the correspondent cited above, Guy Beringer, had made a bold prediction which would turn out to be wrong. For the revolution of February 1917 did not ‘steel’ Russia’s ‘heart and arms’. It is true that the Russian Army did launch an offensive in July of that year: an operation which initially ‘made good progress’[viii] – but then ‘ground to a halt as the troops, feeling they had done their duty, refused to obey orders to attack.’[ix] Neither heart nor arms, in other words, were sufficiently steeled. In fact, the July offensive was the Russian Army’s last major action in the First World War. The unrest of the July days followed the operation’s failure. Four months later, Lenin and his Bolshevik followers seized power from the Provisional Government which had been formed after the February revolution. Less than a year after the Reuters despatch was published, its confidence in Russia as a fighting force was finally confirmed as groundless. Russia’s new government signed the treaty of Brest-Litovsk, making a ‘shameful peace’[x] with Germany. From the point of view of the countries still at war with Germany, Russia was no longer a fighter, or an ally. The eventual rise of Soviet power would mean Russia was no longer a friend, either.
This was not the way that the British political or
press establishment hoped or expected that the February revolution would end.
Not surprisingly, the British priority was winning the war, although as
Charlotte Alston has argued, when looking at the debate which surrounded the
extent and nature of allied opposition to the fledgling Bolshevik regime, ‘military and political
decision making on intervention was more concerned with the war against Germany
than with Russia.’[xi] This was certainly the view
of the most powerful of the press barons, Alfred Harmsworth (Lord Northcliffe),
proprietor of both The Times and the Daily Mail. As Jean Chalaby
has put it, ‘From the early days of Anglo-German antagonism until the 1919
Versailles peace conference, Northcliffe ceaselessly crusaded on jingoistic
also had an unshakeable belief in his own political influence. Only a
few months before the February revolution, he had claimed credit for what he
saw as his part in the departure from office of the then Prime Minister,
Herbert Henry Asquith.[xiii]
His newspapers had been patriotic to the point of jingoism during the Boer War,
and in warning – for years – of the dangers of Germany’s desire to increase its
military power. In his memoir, the American war correspondent, Stanley
Washburn, gave an extraordinary account of a meeting with Lord Northcliffe in
1914. Washburn had been hired to go to Russia for The Times. Passing through London on his way to take up his
posting, Washburn was granted an audience with ‘The Chief’, as Northcliffe
liked to be known by his subordinates.
‘I am very glad you are going to Russia for us,’ Washburn later recalled
the press baron telling him
but before you go I want
you to thoroughly understand that perhaps the Times is different from any other paper for which you have worked.
Of course, as I told you, we want the news, but I want you to realize first and
foremost, if you find you can do anything in diplomacy, in a military way, or
through political intrigue, which I gather is a favourite pastime of yours, you
are to forget the Times and serve the
“Cause,” which is more important to me even than exclusive dispatches.[xiv]
Northcliffe’s priorities were confirmed by the turn his own career was
to take a year after the February revolution: he was appointed to the advisory
committee of the Foreign Office’s Department of Information as ‘director of
The existence of this Department also had a bearing on the work of Reuters in
particular – an important factor not least because the despatch cited above was
very widely used. The revolution took
place at a moment when, ‘There was
also an intensification of Britain’s propaganda effort, particularly after the
establishment of a Department of Information in February 1917. Reuters played
an ever-increasing role in the work of this Department’[xvi].
At the time of the revolution, Beringer, ‘enjoyed a virtual monopoly of
reporting to the west’[xvii]
(as others struggled with technical and other obstacles discussed below).
Beringer is also an example of another factor with which correspondents had to contend: that of their own political views, and the consequences which followed. ‘Personally, Beringer was strongly anti-Bolshevik’. The following year, after the Bolsheviks had taken power, he was arrested.[xviii] Other correspondents found themselves subject to verbal attacks and intrigues from their compatriots: Morgan Philips Price, the left-wing correspondent for the Manchester Guardian so loathed the coverage of Russia which appeared in the Northcliffe titles (during the First World War these included both The Times and the Daily Mail) that later in 1917 he wrote of, ‘abominable behaviour of the Northcliffe Press […] especially of its correspondent, Wilton’ – even expressing the hope ‘the Russian people […] will turn [him] out of Petrograd.’[xix] The papers of David Soskice, also working for the Manchester Guardian, show that as early as 1914 he corresponded with Francis Acland, a foreign office minister, to raise concerns about Arthur Ransome, then another member of the British Press corps in the Russian capital.[xx]
challenges of newsgathering and distribution
In addition to this broader context, those reporting
on the revolution also faced considerable challenges in their immediate
surroundings. It would be too easy to criticize a journalist, faced with the
immensely difficult task of predicting the consequences of a revolution, for
getting it wrong. Trotsky himself, writing in his own history of the Russian
Revolution, excused an error made by John Reed, that author of Ten Days that Shook the World on the
grounds that ‘work done in the heat of events, notes made in corridors, on the
streets, beside camp fires, conversations and fragmentary phrases caught on the
wing, and that too with the need of a translator – all these things make
particular mistakes unavoidable.’[xxi]
News was extremely hard – and breathtakingly costly – to come by. The Daily Mail reported on March 19th
‘fights at the station’ to get copies of newspapers, ‘one copy of the Russian Word (Slovo) is said to have been bought for £1000. I myself saw one
knocked down for £350.’[xxii]
Sympathy for correspondents facing immense challenges has not been confined to
those observers, such as Trotsky, who might have been expected to show it for
journalists who largely shared their views. The consequences of revolutions are
far easier for historians to evaluate than for correspondents to predict. ‘Very
few […] could forecast the degree and range of the impact of events of the
February-March Revolution of 1917, the ease by which the imperial government
fell, terminating a 300-year-old dynasty, or their long-term effects,’[xxiii]
as Normal Saul has argued. For journalists, there were other issues, too: censorship; political pressure; and the great
difficulties of reliable communication with the outside world.
This was the greatest initial challenge which
correspondents faced. On March 14th 1917, the Daily Mail published the following news item – if that is an
adequate description. In fact, it was more of a non-news item
Up to a late hour last
night the Russian official report, which for many months has come to hand
early, had not been received, nor was there any news of events later than the
announcement on Monday that the Duma and Council of Empire sittings had been
suspended by imperial orders.[xxiv]
One can almost sense the writer’s frustration in the
phrase ‘up to a late hour’. Yet presumably the item was considered newsworthy
because the Mail’s editorial team
suspected something was up. When Nicholas II’s decision to give up his throne
brought to an end centuries of Russian autocracy, even as the country was fighting
the First World War, the telegraph from Petrograd had been cut off. Donald
Thompson, a pioneering news cameraman from the United States, wrote in a letter
to his wife of his experience as he tried to send a cable, ‘the old lady in
charge […] told me not to waste my money – that nothing was allowed to go out.’[xxv]
For a country which had been relatively late to industrialize, Russia did have
reasonably efficient telecommunications. The order to mobilize troops some
two-and-a-half years earlier had been given from St Petersburg’s[xxvi]
Central Telegraph Office ‘to the principal centres of the Russian Empire.’[xxvii]
The technology existed: the Russian authorities just preferred that the country
underwent massive political change away from the gaze of the entire globe.
The correspondents, of course, had different
ideas; their newspapers, different expectations. Yet the closure of the telegraph office was not the
only obstacle which they faced. The First World War is not a glorious chapter
in the history of journalism. As Phillip Knightley has argued, ‘More deliberate
lies were told than in any other period of history, and the whole apparatus of
the state went into action to suppress the truth.’[xxviii]
One of the main reasons for this was censorship. As John T. Smith has pointed
out, ‘All the combatant countries restricted news from the front at the start
of the war.’[xxix]
Russia was no exception, although, in terms which recall the verdict the 19th
century Russian satirist, Mikhail Saltykov-Shchedrin passed on his country –
‘the severity of Russian laws is alleviated by the lack of obligation to fulfil
them’ – Smith went on to argue, ‘The Russian censorship regulations were thus
comparable with those of other belligerents. However, in the implementation of
these regulations, Russian censorship appeared more lax.’[xxx]
It was not lax for the first days of the February Revolution. It simply cut the
capital off from international communication. Nor was this a problem confined
to this particular episode of Russia’s revolutionary history. Later that year,
as the October revolution loomed, W.P. Crozier of the Manchester Guardian wrote to Soskice in Petrograd, explaining ‘We
are rather under the impression that some of your telegrams to us may have been
suppressed at the Russian end’[xxxi]
and asking him to send duplicates of his despatches by post, too.
[i] Manchester Guardian, March 16th
1917, 5; Daily Mail March 16th 1917, 6
Hughes, Diplomacy Before the Russian
Hughes, Diplomacy Before the Russian
Hughes, Diplomacy Before the Russian
Hughes, Diplomacy Before the Russian
Wildman, The End of the Russian Imperial
Army: The Old Army and the Soldiers’ Revolt, 124
Wildman, The End of the Russian Imperial
Army: The Old Army and the Soldiers’ Revolt, 125
Pipes, The Russian Revolution 1899-1919,
Pipes, The Russian Revolution 1899-1919,
Figes, A people’s tragedy: The Russian
Revolution 1891-1924, 548.
Alston, ‘British Journalism and the
Campaign for intervention in the Russian Civil War, 1918-20’, 35
Chalaby, ‘Northcliffe: Proprietor as Journalist’, 37
McEwen, ‘The Press and the Fall of Asquith’, 863
In this week’s New European, my article on how western correspondents covered the ‘Great October Socialist Revolution’, as the USSR came to know the Bolsheviks’ coming to power. The first few paragraphs are reproduced below. You can read the full piece in the paper.
We in the west have tended to look warily towards Russia: fearing and yet fascinated by the vast land lying at Europe’s eastern edge. Often, as now, we have seen it as a threat.
If in the second half of the last century, it was nuclear warheads – and they have hardly gone away – today we are more concerned with cyberattacks. In those countries bordering Russia, and formerly under its influence or control, people look nervously at the annexation of Crimea and ask if computer hacking may turn into something more menacing.
Since it enlisted General Winter to help to defeat Napoleon, through to Stalingrad when it turned the tide against Hitler, Russia has intervened at key moments to change European history. Some might add Brexit to the list, with Kremlin-backed TV channels and websites playing their part in boosting nationalist sentiment in the west.
A hundred years ago, the Russian Revolution was certainly one of those moments. The full extent of its consequences may not have been fully grasped, but its significance was well understood, and in those confused, fast-moving times, it was the job of Western authors and journalists who found themselves in the country to try to make sense of it.
Russia’s post-Soviet revolution was ‘at its commencement’. For someone of my generation, who had spent their teenage years worrying whether the acceleration of the nuclear arms race in Europe was going to lead to conflict, the end of the Cold War between East and West was indeed blissful. The excitement of being on assignment in Moscow as a young journalist ‘was very heaven’. The world as I had known it all my life was changing forever, and I was there to see it.
What I — and the other young western journalists I met, and who were in some cases to become lifelong friends — saw that summer seemed good. Especially in the Soviet capital, we saw a population enthusiastic for change — brave enough, when the time came, to stand with sticks against tanks to defend it. They faced down a coup attempt by hardliners in August 1991 . Later that year, and 25 years ago this month, the Soviet Union formally ceased to exist. Back in London, I was in the newsroom on Christmas Day when Mikhail Gorbachev went on air in Moscow to resign, and the red flag was lowered from the Kremlin.
For some Cold Warriors in the west, that was victory. For one prominent American academic, this was — absurdly, it is now clear — the ‘end of history’. For those of us who spend a lot of time reporting from Russia in the 1990s, it came to be something else: the beginning of an age of great hardship, uncertainty, and humiliation for millions of people in Russia, and other parts of the former USSR.
‘We keep on failing to understand the nature of the trauma that hit all Russians in 1991,’ Sir Rodric Braithwaite, the last British Ambassador to the USSR, told an audience at Chatham House 20 years later. Policy makers did not understand well the possible political consequences of that trauma either — at least until it was too late.
For it was in those days that the wrath of post-Soviet Russia was being nursed. It came to adulthood in the annexation of Ukraine, and, on the wider global stage, in the Middle East. The end of history mindset seemed to have prevailed among policy makers, too — again until it was too late. When relations with Russia turned bad, there were not enough people who understood why. ‘What’s really lacking in all these theatres is sufficient people who are deep experts on the language and the region to actually produce the options to ministers,’ complained Rory Stewart, then Chair of the House of Commons Defence Select Committee, in a 2014 interview with Prospect Magazine , as Russia cemented its hold over Ukraine.
Many disagreed — but enough were persuaded to accept the case made by Mr Gove and his fellow ‘Leave’ campaign leaders that Britain should leave the European Union.
That is one of the ways in which 2016 has helped me understand 1991. Now, in middle age, I have a perspective on how it must have felt for Russians in their 40s and 50s to see their country go to hell, taking with it all they had known.
This year, it has been the turn of my country to have a revolution — for that is what ‘Brexit’ is — and head off in an unknown direction. Not even those who most fervently sought this turn of events can claim that it has been adequately prepared for.
As a foreign correspondent in the 1990s and 2000s, I saw other people’s political systems fall apart. Both in the former USSR, and in the Middle East, this led on occasion to wars which cost countless thousands of lives. There is no prospect now of war in Western Europe, although that was the way we chose for centuries to settle our disputes. It is not simply coincidence that the era of the European Union has also been an age of peace.
The signs of other times are still there to see. As a frequent visitor to both Scotland and Denmark, my seaside walks lead me past Second World War fortifications scarring the beaches on the North Sea coast.
Will Europe ever be as divided again in my lifetime? As Christopher Clark wrote in the introduction to his excellent 2014 book The Sleepwalkers: How Europe went to War in 1914, ‘what must strike any twenty-first-century reader who follows the course of the summer crisis of 1914 is its raw modernity.’ He continued, ‘Since the end of the Cold War, a system of global bipolar stability has made way for a more complex and unpredictable array of forces.’
That’s why we need good journalism. Those of us western journalists who lived in Russia in the 1990s understood very well the reasons for Vladimir Putin’s rise to power (I wrote about this at greater length in a recent piece for The Conversation).
So, yes, I did know the USSR. A quarter of a century later, I know this, too: like the USSR, nothing lasts forever. Blissful dawns do not necessarily lead to sunny afternoons, or peaceful evenings. The demagogues who have tasted victory in 2016’s tumult would do well to remember that.
Earlier this week, I published a piece on the website ofThe Conversation. Drawing on my time as a correspondent in Moscow in the 1990s and early 2000s, as well as on my current research, the article looked at the challenges of covering revolutionary Russia. You can read an extract below, and there’s also a link to the full piece.
“NO NEWS FROM PETROGRAD YESTERDAY”, was the headline in the Daily Mail on March 14, 1917. The story – or non-story – which followed, was only a few dozen words: “Up to a late hour last night the Russian official report, which for many months has come to hand early, had not been received”, it ran. So why publish it? The non-appearance of the daily news bulletin from the Russian government had led the Mail’s writer, trying to prepare a report in London, to suspect something was going on.
During the silence, the last tsar, Nicholas II, had abdicated and centuries of autocracy had come to an end in Russia. Correspondents in Petrograd were only able to tell their stories later. Russia’s links to the world were cut off. Donald Thompson, a pioneering news cameraman from the United States, later related his experience at the telegraph office: “The old lady in charge … told me not to waste my money – that nothing was allowed to go out.”
Twenty years ago this week, as a TV news producer in Moscow, I watched as the city where I had worked for much of the previous 18 months suddenly turned into a war zone. Political confrontation became armed conflict; demonstrations turned into a flash into riots. I am working on a longer account of that crucial week in modern Russian history for a future book. To mark the 20th anniversary, I am re-posting an entry I wrote earlier this year, with Egypt in mind, about the challenges of reporting revolutions. You can read it here. The photograph is taken from the window of the flat in central Moscow where I was living at the time.
The centre of the capital city became a battleground. Tanks took the place of rush hour traffic. Shoppers and commuters passed soldiers warily peering around corners for fear of attracting sniper fire.
Two years after the advent of democracy, political opponents took up arms to settle their differences.
This was Moscow in October 1993, two years after the end of the Soviet Union. The idealism, the euphoria, which had accompanied that huge and unexpected change in the summer of 1991 was gone, and it has never returned. Russian public life in the post-Soviet period has perhaps been best described by then President, now Prime Minister, Dmitry Medvedev, when he spoke of the need to confront his country’s ‘legal nihilism’.
Two years ago, after Hosni Mubarak had been deposed as Egypt’s President, I met a number of Egyptian activists at a conference in London. Their optimism and idealism was infectious, but I was reminded of other twentysomethings I had seen in Moscow, twenty years before, celebrating the collapse of Communism. They did not, and have not, got the country they expected then.
The truth is that revolutions take a long time. They are not over in a moment, or even a year. Orlando Figes’ history of the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, A People’s Tragedy, has as its subtitle ‘The Russian Revolution 1891-1924’. A history of the end of the USSR would probably need to look at an equally long period before and after 1991. How long will it be before we can judge the consequences of the Arab uprisings?
This makes reporting them difficult. Not necessarily in the sense of day-to-day hard news: there is usually plenty to say, plenty of drama, plenty of human interest. The challenge lies in trying to interpret events that no one really understands – whatever politicians and expert analysts might say – in order to explain to audiences what the possible outcomes are.
Speaking about Egypt on the BBC’s Today Programme this morning in the UK, the Foreign Secretary William Hague used the phrase ‘strategic patience’: good for policy makers, perfect for historians – all but an unaffordable luxury for journalists facing hourly deadlines.
Perhaps the hardest challenge is to see the full picture. Reporters focused on the events as they unfold in capitals do not see the provincial towns and villages where populations may be less enthusiastic about radical change. Social media – credited with such an important role in Egypt that the events of 2011 have even been referred to as a ‘Facebook Revolution’ – do mean that more voices are much more accessible to journalists. In a country where only about a third of the population has access to the internet, how representative are they?
Russia and Egypt are different countries, their revolutions at different times in history. Yet there are parallels: a military/ security establishment reluctant to give up power, and a population yearning for some degree of economic stability, and prosperity. In Russia, that led to a former KGB officer, Vladimir Putin, being elected President in 2000. He holds that office today, and many other powerful men in Russia apparently share his background.
That was not what people were marching for in the early 1990s. It is what they ended up with.
In a BBC interview at the end of 2011, the year of the ‘Arab Spring’ the late historian Eric Hobsbawm said of those revolutions, ‘We know it won’t last.’
Russia’s young democrats found that in the blood and bullets of October 1993. President Yeltsin may have stayed in office, but innocent idealism was dead. The ‘Facebook’ revolutionaries look unlikely to get any real power in Egypt, however this current crisis develops. President (former President?) Morsi and his supporters may now feel it applies to them to.
‘We know it won’t last’ could be a good guiding principle for anyone reporting on a revolution.